就教列位對付臺SMS 簡訊服務灣問題的望法 發明臺灣人素來隻把本身當臺灣人


在一個港臺論壇上無心間說到瞭japan(日本)問題
  成果一個臺灣人說 為什麼你們中國人這麼恨japan(日本)人 咱們外人其實不明確 望完感到滿肉痛的 然後幾個年夜陸人就與臺灣人關於台灣門號代收簡訊台灣接碼平台同一問題爭執起來
  
  以下是一個年夜陸人士發的概念 受到的反咄
  
  第一,統治臺灣的中華平易近國當局不是在臺灣成立的,是在年夜陸成立的。
  
  就對的的汗青概念來說 中華平易近國當局 在1928年 便被蔣介石所引導的公民當局所覆滅
  
  而蔣介石所引導的公民當局 在蔣介石下野後 於1949年為中華人平易近共和國所覆滅
  
  明天的統治臺灣的中華平易近國當局 是蔣介石及其殘存的在野權勢 在臺灣重新努力別闢門戶
  
  嚴酷來說 明天統治臺灣的中華平易近國當局 並不是當初孫文所創建的
  
  也不是蔣介石北伐同一的公民當局 而是一個逃亡的在野權勢所設立的國傢
  
  固然我是中華平易近國的公民 但我仍是會往認可這段已往 由於人總要對汗青賣力
  
  
  
  第二,臺灣是清朝的國土,之後由於戰役掉敗而割讓給japan(日本),二戰收場後又從頭回中國一切,以是臺灣素來不是一個自力的政權國傢,一直是年夜陸政權的從屬,不管這個年夜陸政權是中華人平易近共和國仍是中華平易近都城一樣
  
  提到戰後臺灣的回屬問題,一般人多半會想起《開羅宣言》與《波茨坦宣言》的講明內在的事務,然此二宣言發佈時,japan(日本)尚未降服佩服且符合法規領有臺灣,真正決議戰後臺灣回屬問題的國際法是1951年的《舊金山公約》。
  
  On August 15, 1945, following Japan’s declaration
  of unconditional surrender to the Allied Forces,
  the long and eventful Second World War came to an
  end. Although the Allied Powers’ Supreme Commander,
  General MacArthur, had, as early as March 1947,
  advocated concluding a treat with Japan as soon
  as possible, U.S.-Soviet antagonism was heating
  up to boiling point at this time, and with the
  ebb and flow of various situations within the U.S.
  and overseas, the task of concluding peace with
  JapSmszkan was continually put off until 1950, when
  preparations finally started in earnest. One key
  factor in this was the Korean War, which broke
  out on June 25, 1950, and pushed the powerful U.S.
  to try to persuade Japan to become a member of the
  Pacific anti-communist front. Consequently, the
  U.S. increased their active advances for a peace
  treaty with Japan.
  
  China’s legitimate changes in political power
  
  On September 5, 1951, under the leadership of such
  super powers as the United Kingdom and the U.S.,
  the members of the Second World War Allies convened
  in San Francisco for a conference on peace with
  Japan. Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, leader of
  the Chinese mil免費簡訊認證itary region, had been the Supreme
  Allied Commander in the Asia Region during the
  war; on October 25 1945, Chiang sent representatives
  to Taiwan, and represented the Allied Forces at the
  ceremony accepting Japan’s surrender of “the Chinese
  Theater’s Ta免費臨時手機號碼iwan Province,“ and temporarily took over
  control of Taiwan and the Penghu region after the
  departure of the Japanese Taiwan Governor’s Office.
  However, Chinese representatives were excluded from
  the San Francisco Peace Conference. One of the
  reasons for this was that not long after the end of
  the Second World War, military conflicts had broken
  out afresh between the Kuomintang (KMT) and the
  Chinese Communist Party (CCP) inside China, and
  this situation clearly entered a new phase after
  October 1949, when the CCP regime held a formal
  ceremony in Beijing for the founding of the “People’s
  Republic of China,“ while the KMT regime, represented
  by Chiang Kai-shek made a compre臨時門號hensive retreat from
  China, ending up in exile in Taiwan and Penghu, a
  region whose legal status had not been decided. The
  outcome of the civil war in China resulted in a lack
  of consensus among the Allies as to which regime was
  the legitimate representative of China.
  
  Another aspect was that while two regimes which both
  claimed to be the legitimate representatives of China
  existed, there was no way that an international
  consensus on the China question could be reached,
  and this situation naturally created a certain level
  of difficulty for the defeated Japan, because China
  was deeply affected by having been invaded by Japan,
  and if there was no way to conclude and sign a peace
  treaty between China and Japan, then the Sino-Japanese
  war would not formally come to an end, and all kinds
  of post-war follow-up work would also have to be p虛擬驗證碼ut
  off.
  
  With each nation taking a different position, Japan
  makes its own decision
  
  Among the Allies, the Soviet Union took the Comintern
  position, with absolute support of the PRC regime as
  the only legitimate government of China. Among the
  Western camp, Britain built diplomatic relations with
  the PRC very early on, in view of its interests in
  Hong Kong and Kowloon. Britain also thought that the
  whoever represented China in signing the peace treaty
  with Japan should be approved by more than two thirds
  of the nations which took part in Far East Committee.
  The U.S. were against the PRC regime, which was in the
  process of invading Korea, taking part in and signing
  a treaty. So while Britain, the U.S. and the other
  members of the Allies bickered among one another,
  the question of which government of China Japan ought
  to sign a peace treaty with was decided by Japan, and
  handled in the way that future signings of other
  peace treaties would be dealt with.
  
  At that time, the Japanese government was under
  pressure from all kinds of internal and external
  sources, and had no choice but to choose the KMT
  government, represented by Chiang Kai-shek’s regime,
  with whom to conclude a peace treaty. However, with
  U.S. and Japanese mutual recognition, the treaty did
  not really view the Nationalist government as
  representing the only legitimate government of
  China, and so this treaty simply applied to the
  regions under the control of the Nationalist
  government at that time or in the future.
  
  Taiwan’s status undecided, dependent on the self-
  determination of its residents
  
  As a result, the question of Taiwan’s status and
  jurisdiction, Article 2 of the San Francisco Peace
  Treaty stipulates that “Japan renounces all right,
  title and claim to Formosa and the Pescadores.“
  Foreshadowed here is the fact that the final
  question of whom Taiwan belongs to remains
  undefined. Theoretically, the future resolution
  of the Taiwan issue should be carried out,
  according to the aims and principles of the UN
  Charter, and under the principle of self-
  determination by its inhabitants, by means of a
  public referendum, which would ask about the
  direction desired by the inhabitants of the
  region, before a verdict can be reached.
  
  On April 28, 1952, in accordance with the stipulations
  of the San Francisco Peace Treaty, the Treaty of Peace
  between the Republic of China and Japan (also known as
  the Treaty of Taipei) was signed between the
  Nationalist government and Japan. The Treaty of
  Taipei, in dealing with the question of territory,
  stipulates in its Article 2 a reconfirmation of the
  statement in the San Francisco Treaty, saying: “It
  is recognised that under Article 2 of the Treaty of
  Peace which Japan signed at the city of San Francisco
  on 8 September 1951 (hereinafter referred to as the
  San Francisco Treaty), Japan has renounced all right,
  title, and claim to Taiwan (Formosa) and Penghu (the
  Pescadores) as well as the Spratley [sic] Islands and
  the Paracel Islands.“ So the question of whose
  jurisdiction Taiwan ultimately comes under is still
  not touched upon in the content of the Treaty of
  Taipei.
  
  However, mention the issue of whose jurisdiction
  Taiwan has been under since the end of the war,
  and most people will think of the contents of the
  statements of the Cairo or Potsdam Declarations.
  Although the 1943 Cairo Declaration does mention
  that all of the territories “such as Manchuria,
  Formosa, and the Pescadores, shall be restored to
  the Republic of China“ by Ja隱私小號pan; the 1945 Potsdam
  Declaration demanded that Japan surrender
  unconditionally, and once again emphasized that
  “The terms of the Cairo Declaration shall be
  carried out.“ However, these “declarations“ only
  state positions and wishes during the war, and
  although function of the declarations remains,
  they do not have any legal potency.
  
  Neither the San Francisco Peace Treaty and the
  Treaty of Taipei clearly stipulate the legal status
  of Taiwan, with the result that the question of
  whose jurisdiction Taiwan should come under has
  never to this day been resolved.
  
  
  
  
  第三,從1949年以來中華人平易近共和國和中華平易近國兩個當局之間一直處於內戰狀況,以是在火線作軍事部署是最失常不外的事。這點無可求全譴責。
  
  你的意思是說有兩個中國囉? 如許起不違背貴國的一個中國準則?
  
  
  
  
  第四,國際社會的支流曾經認可,中華平易近國在國際法令意義上而言曾經現實滅亡不再存在,而繼續前當局所有的國土的便是中華人平易近共和國當局,以是臺灣也是共和國當局的國土之一,共和國當局有權對臺灣國土施行主權。
  
  但是中華平易近國當局的符合法規統治區域 並不包含臺灣
  
  以是就算中華人平易近共和國繼續瞭中華平易近國的一切符合法規主權
  
  臺灣當然不是中華人平易近共和國的國土
  
  假如臺灣是中華人平易近共和國當局國土之一
  
  那小兵反詰您 為何噴鼻港臺灣的航路是國際航路? 為何臺灣不運用人平易近幣?
  
  為何臺灣沒有人平易近解放軍? 為何同樣都是“共和國公民“ 年夜陸的“同胞“ 不克不及不受拘束的來到臺灣?
  
  為何臺灣可以平易近選當局官員? 為何臺灣有本身的外匯存底? 本身的法令? 本身的憲法? 本身的戎行?
  
  
  
  
  固然臺灣有本身的當局治理,不外這不克不及轉變這個當局的分歧法事實。不然的話昔時結合國為何保存共和國的席位而取消平易近國的席位?假如國際社會認可臺灣政權是一個自主國傢,為何平易近國當局的代理和共和國當局的代理不克不及同時泛起在結合國?為何臺灣當局多次要求重返結合國的決定連拿上桌面的機遇都沒有就被否決?掩耳盜鈴的畢竟是誰?
  
  對 你說到瞭重點 臺灣的中華平易近國當局 在其符合法規性上 廣泛遭到國際的質疑
  
  這也是為何已往15年來 臺灣屢屢重返結合國 都被架空在門外
  
  那是由於咱們用瞭一個分歧情公道符合法規的國號
  
  將來 臺灣人平易近會向國際正名 咱們的國傢鳴做臺灣 不是中國
  
  至於會怎麼決議 何時決議 這也是咱們臺灣內政問題 輪不到中國來說嘴
  
  臺灣直到明天 未能掙脫主權不決 那是由於咱們海內2300萬人平易近
  
  對付國傢認同的觀點依然仍是有所不同 不外臺灣人平易近會用平易近主的方法逐漸化解歧見的
  
  
  好比昔時年夜毒犯坤沙也在 角地域有本身的當局往治理他的地盤和人平易近,豈非坤沙地點的 角便是一個事實上自力的國傢瞭嗎?年夜陸無視臺灣的平易近意?那臺灣又有否重視過年夜陸的平易近意?平易近主的準則便是少數聽從大都吧?2300萬和13億,該聽誰的話難道不聞而知嗎?
  
  呵呵 說來說往 您仍是不懂真實平易近主精力
  
  平易近主的精力是:聽從大都 尊敬少數
  
  假如您隻知聽從大都 而不知尊敬少數 那您的平易近主就少瞭那麼一點 鳴做“平易近王“
  
  明天臺灣的平易近主 依然仍是不可熟的因素 便是全部人都望到瞭前半部門 而決心疏忽瞭後半部門
  
  不外 可幸的是 跟著臺灣平易近主的逐漸深化 臺灣人平易近也逐漸的相識到真實平易近主
  
  或者 咱們離真實平易近主尚有一年夜段遠遙的間隔 可是臺灣人平易近仍是始終盡力的在學簡訊
  
  或者咱們的國傢的當局外部 流於黨爭內訌 而使得臺灣墮入動盪之中
  
  可是臺灣人平易近仍舊有本身的思惟 本身的意識 本身的思維 便是平易近主不受拘束帶給臺灣的附加價值
  
  假如您想和小兵評論辯論更多無關平易近主精力的真正意涵 迎接您私底下發短訊給小兵 小兵很高興願意跟您會商
  
  或者傍邊國的平易近主不受拘束 能成長到和臺灣相稱的水平 置信肥後年夜人您就會懂得我所說的話
  
  
  
  昔時沙祖康的歸答是有不當之處,可是WTO明文規則,隻有國際認可的主權國傢才可以插手WTO,臺灣一個處所當局在鬧騰什麼?並且,不克不及插手WTO,不即是WTO的專傢就不會往臺灣給予增援啊,兩者有必然關系麼?SARS會由於臺灣插手WTO就主動休止迸發嗎?
  
  肥後年夜人 您要不要在往多用功一下
  
  WTO is World Tourism Organization 世界商業組織 和不受拘束商業 不受拘束經濟系統無關
  
  WHO is World Health Organization 世界衛生組織 和世界醫療系統的整合無關
  
  另有WHO和WTO哪條明文規則主權國傢能力插手?
  
  我關懷這些議題這麼久瞭 素來沒望過有相似的規則呢
  
  興許是小兵目光如豆吧 能不克不及請肥後年夜人貼進去讓我開開眼界阿?
  
  SARS簡直是不會由於插手WHO而休止 可是臺灣插手WHO 不隻是要爭奪奧援
  
  同時也要將臺灣世界一流的衛生醫療系統 另有抗衡SARS的履歷 和世界列國分送朋友
  
  臺灣身為這個地球村的國民 有這份責任和任務 讓這些貴重的SARS醫療資訊
  
  可以或許讓世界上每個國傢都能分送朋友到 對SARS也能有更多且更對的的熟悉
  
  基礎上 臺灣在抗衡SARS期間 真正有對臺灣伸出援手的 隻有美國跟japan(日本)
  
  而中國呢? 隻有雪上加霜的份 中國的這份“情意“ 臺灣人平易近都牢牢記住在心的
  
  
  
  年夜陸的國防估算衝破500億又怎麼樣?臺灣2300萬人都可以用6000億買美國武器瞭,年夜陸13億人才花500億,算得瞭什麼?均勻上去才有幾多?中華人平易近共和國當局作為亞洲最年夜的國傢,豈非不克不及領有一支古代化的強盛戎行維護本身嗎?最主要的一點是,中國的國防估算占總體估算的百分之幾?臺灣的6000億又占總體估算的百分之幾?兩比擬較,誰更不信賴,甚至是敵視對方,不是高深莫測嗎?
  
  哈哈哈 歉仄 小兵忘瞭打上貨泉的單元
  
  2004年 中國的國防收入 再500~700億美元上下
  
  並且中國曾經持續14年 國防收入因此年增率15%以上的速率增長
  
  臺灣的6108億臺幣 因此15年 精心估算的方法收入 是屬於非正軌的國防收入
  
  何況6108億臺幣 是美金200億擺佈 並且是分15年攤付
  
  比起中國每年約莫有20~30%擺佈的隱性估算 臺灣的國防收入可以說是通明公然的
  
  臺灣在已往的幾年 國防收入都是負發展 兵力規模也在精簡
  
  臺灣6108億的收入 並非是購置進犯性武器 而是增加反制彈道飛彈的防衛性武器
  
  臺灣沒有侵犯他國的用意 也不像中國一樣領有年夜規模撲滅性武器
  
  臺灣純正是為瞭抵擋鄰國的軍事侵犯 才會做這些國防投資
  
  就算沒有鄰國的軍事要挾 臺灣依然仍是會強化本身國傢的國防氣力的須要
  
  就如
  
  至於您說臺灣防衛本身 便是冤仇敵意深
  
  那中國當局的無窮制裁軍 又該怎麼詮釋? 這真的隻是防衛本身罷了嗎?
  
  為數重大進犯性彈道飛彈 短程及中間隔的戰術核生化武器
  
  本來這便是中國維護本身 防衛本身的方法呀
  
  與其將這些重大的國防估算 用來成長年夜規模撲滅性武器
  
  到不如將些錢 花在中海內部的現實的問題之上還比力其實

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